Discussion Through our investigation we sought to explore the differences between Indian individuals living in a high- and those living in a low-income neighbourhood in Chandigarh, India, regarding their patronage of fast food restaurants, perception of fast food, and fast food consumption. The results of our study indicate that people from a high-income neighbourhood dined out more frequently and were more likely to perceive Western-style food as fast food, while people from the low-income neighbourhood were more likely to identify food sold by street vendors as fast food.
This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution Licensewhich permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Abstract To understand the rising prevalence of childhood obesity in affluent societies, it is necessary to take into account the growing obesity infrastructure, which over past decades has developed into an obesogenic environment.
This study examines the effects of one of the constituent factors of consumer societies and a potential contributory factor to childhood obesity: Evaluations of traditional information- and education-based interventions suggest that they may not sustainably change food patterns.
Based on prior consumer research, we propose five hypotheses, which we then test using a subsample from the IDEFICS study, a large-scale pan-European intervention study on childhood obesity.
This finding has important implications for both future research and public policy. Background and Aim of the Study In consumer societies, modern diets based on unhealthy fast foods, convenience foods, energy dense snacks, and soft drinks, the abundance and omnipresence of food, and sedentary lifestyles and electronic recreation that minimises physical activity have led to serious weight control problems.
A particularly severe trend impacting future health levels are the high, and in most countries still rising, levels of overweight and obesity in infants and children [ 1 ]. Globally, the number of overweight children under the age of five was estimated in to be over 42 million; close to 35 million of them living in developing countries.
On an individual level, childhood obesity is strongly associated with risk factors for type 2 diabetes, cardiovascular disease, underachievement in school, and lower self-esteem.
In the developed world, obesity is closely connected with low socioeconomic status SES ; that is, membership in groups for whom access to and availability and affordability of healthier food choices and physical activity is particularly limited [ 5 ].
There is also evidence that cumulative exposure to television food advertising—which is higher in lower SES groups—is linked to adult fast-food consumption [ 6 ]. Beyond individual and social problems, rising obesity rates impact healthcare systems and labour markets and also carry environmental costs: Put simply, halting and reversing current childhood obesity trends is not simply an imperative for public health policies but rather is increasingly understood as a broader societal challenge that has become an explicit goal of sustainability strategies worldwide [ 8 ].
As a result, addressing obesity among children and adolescents has become a top public health priority—particularly in the USA, which has one of the highest incidences of obesity worldwide [ 9 ]. Drivers and Impact of Childhood Obesity In light of these challenges, researchers and policy makers have been focusing on the key drivers and barriers for healthy diets and healthy lives in childhood.
Such ecological models, which consider individual behaviour in the context of multiple environments, offer a promising approach to obesity prevention [ 13 — 16 ]. In this paper, we focus on variables from the following three types of environments. Children are embedded in families, neighbourhoods, peer groups, schools, and child care facilities in which others influence their food preferences and practices by transposing their social norms and attitudes, food likes and dislikes, and consumption practices and affect their food habits through exposure and learning processes.
Children are directly exposed to a physical environment that offers or limits opportunities for physical activity e. The media environment and in particular commercial communication e. This present study, although it acknowledges the multitude of influential factors and the interactions within these three environments, focuses on only a few key factors, whose selection was driven by one widely accepted and empirically based assumption: The question, therefore, is not whether food marketing to children works, but how it affects them.
A better understanding of this process is a precondition for developing effective consumer policy tools to protect children from overexposure and imprinting. Specifically, it draws on data for a subsample of the IDEFICS study [ 19 ], elementary school children aged between 6 to 9 years from five European countries.
Because the recent scientific literature offers comprehensive overviews on the state of the art in this field e. Against this background, we develop our theoretical model and formulate the research hypotheses that guide our empirical study. After describing our methodology and analyses, we discuss our results as they relate to our hypotheses and conclude by outlining the policy implications of our findings.
No such regulation exists in the USA, however, where children aged between 2 and 11 are exposed to about 25, commercials per year, some during adult programming like soap operas or cooking shows [ 29 ]. There is ample empirical evidence that such advertising content often leads to unhealthier food choices [ 30 ].
There is also empirical evidence that food advertising affects knowledge about un healthy nutrition: Advertising, therefore, seemingly overrides knowledge already acquired from other sources that promote healthier choices.
Empirical consumer research also shows that consumer knowledge does not necessarily lead to preferences for healthier food and that even if such preferences develop, they do not automatically guide behaviour. Thus, although most children and their families generally know what a healthy diet involves, their food choices often do not mirror this knowledge [ 37 ].
In fact, research indicates that accurate beliefs about food healthfulness are not associated with either food preferences or food consumption in children [ 38 ].
There is also evidence that the food choices of both children and their families are determined far more by attitudes and preferences than by acquired knowledge and that children are highly susceptible to the influence of peers in other social contexts [ 39 ]. Yet despite such evidence, prevention and intervention programmes usually take the educational approach [ 40 ].
We also examine the relation between food knowledge, preferences, diet, and weight status. The role of commercial communication and food knowledge, preferences, diet, and weight status.
Access to and Consumption of Television Advertising The potential impact of TV advertising is influenced by three variables: Unrestricted access increases hours of actual media exposure and influences the time of exposure to advertising, factors that are further augmented by children having a television in their own bedrooms [ 46 ].
The country of residence and the type of programme watched also influence exposure to advertising. Such high exposure has consequences for both diet and weight status:Corporate Social Responsibility: A Case Study of Consumers’ Perception of McDonald’s The fast food industry has long been connected with the hot topic of health and obesity in the when a company is dealing with its products being seen as a risk towards consumers’ health, which is the situation for the leading fast food company.
(40,48,53,54) Fast-food restaurants are more likely to locate near schools, however, and close proximity of fast-food restaurants to schools has been linked to increased risk of obesity in schoolchildren.
An examination of the Consumer Decision Making Process will be conducted, in particular in the psychological areas, primarily focusing on fast food consumer attitudes towards McDonald's products. Furthermore, the various socio-cultural environmental attributes will be observed that had an influence on consumer decision making process.
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The frequency of fast food intake is relatively high among adolescents; however, fast food consumption is positively associated with total energy intake and obesity in adolescents. Objective: This study aimed to examine the perception of Jordanian adolescents towards fast foods relative to gender and obesity.
Although no significant association was found between frequency of fast-food intake with perceived healthfulness of fast food, we did find strong and significant associations of frequency of fast-food intake with perceived convenience of fast food and dislike toward .